Revisiting social justice below the Dravidian mannequin

Revisiting social justice under the Dravidian model

2022-06-20 00:54:44

The Tamil Nadu authorities ought to launch a white paper on reservations and pursue quota within the non-public sector

The Tamil Nadu authorities ought to launch a white paper on reservations and pursue quota within the non-public sector

Dravidian politics in Tamil Nadu has performed a major position in democratising the general public house for wider participation. As emphasised by the Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu, M.Okay. Stalin lately, social justice has been the integral a part of the Dravidian growth mannequin.

Social justice rules in Tamil Nadu had been initially emphasised and propagated by Periyar, who fought for community-based illustration whereas combating the evils of the caste system. Although the Dravidian social justice mannequin was capable of democratise the general public sphere by opening the house in training and employment, there’s a have to revisit many features of social justice to achieve out and profit extra individuals.

First BC fee report

The report of the primary Backward Courses (BC) Fee, headed by A.N. Sattanathan, appointed by then Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi, in its report submitted in 1970 highlighted the unequal distribution of reservation advantages in favour of sure communities inside backward castes. It additional said that round 9 castes (that accounted for 11.3% of the whole backward castes) held 48% of gazetted posts and 37% of non-gazetted posts. Within the training sector, it was 47% of medical seats, 44% of engineering seats and 34% of scholarships denying a possibility for the remaining 88.7% of backward castes in Tamil Nadu. Although the Sattanathan fee had advisable financial standards and taking out sure castes out of reservation advantages, as a result of political and electoral causes, the federal government elevated the quota for Different Backward Courses (OBC) from 25% to 31% and for Scheduled Castes (SC)/Scheduled Tribes (ST) from 16% to 18%.

Information from second fee

In 1979, then Chief Minister M.G. Ramachandran, based mostly on the Sattanathan Fee report, launched the creamy layer idea (ceiling restrict of ₹9,000 every year to be eligible for reservation advantages), which was politically resisted and the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) was pressured to withdraw it after electoral defeat in 1980. The AIADMK authorities elevated the Different Backward Courses quota from 31% to 50%, which made the Supreme Courtroom of India direct the Tamil Nadu authorities to arrange a second Backward Courses’ Fee within the yr 1982 to evaluate the bottom actuality. The fee, below J.A. Ambasankar, reiterated the unequal distribution of advantages amongst backward courses as said by Sattanathan within the first Backward Courses Fee. The Ambasankar report said that round 11 castes, which is round 34.8% of backward castes, held 50.7% of posts within the public service fee, 62.7% of seats in skilled programs and 53.4% of presidency scholarships. The remaining 211 backward castes, which is round 65.2%, was poorly represented in authorities providers and the tutorial system. The federal government added one other 29 communities to backward courses with out addressing the skewed illustration.

Political strikes

In 1989, the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam authorities below M. Karunanidhi divided the 50% OBC reservation into 30% for backward courses and 20% for Most Backward Courses (MBCs) and de-notified communities (DNC) as a result of agitations led by Dr. S. Ramadoss of the Pattali Makkal Katchi, demanding extra illustration for the Vanniyar caste. Later, the AIADMK authorities below then Chief Minister Jayalalitha enacted the Tamil Nadu Backward Courses, Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Reservation of Seats in Academic Establishments and of Appointments or Posts within the Companies below the State) Act, 1993, and bought it below the Ninth Schedule of the Structure to guard it in opposition to judicial scrutiny.

In 2000, then Chief Minister Karunanidhi launched a white paper on the ‘Reservation in Authorities Employment for the Adi Dravidars, Scheduled Tribes, Backward Courses, Most Backward Courses and De-Notified Communities. In 96 authorities departments, the SC illustration in Group A, B and C was par beneath their constitutionally mandated quota. The MBCs, who had been allotted 20%, had solely round 8% within the group ‘A’ class. The BC had greater than majority illustration. It was solely within the Group D class that SC/STs and MBC/DNCs had noticeable illustration. In public sector undertakings, apex cooperative establishments, universities, firms and statutory our bodies, SC illustration was solely round 3% and for MBC/DNCs, solely round 7% within the Group ‘A’ class. BCs had greater than a majority on this class additionally.

Neoliberal state, social justice

The neoliberal section after the Nineteen Nineties has expanded the scope of the non-public sector in key sectors of the Tamil Nadu financial system which included social sectors akin to training and well being.

Based on the All India Survey on Increased Training (AISHE) 2019-20 report, 86% of schools and 44% of universities in Tamil Nadu are owned by the non-public sector. With reservation not being relevant within the non-public sector, there may be solely 11% of the college from the SC group in Tamil Nadu in accordance with this report. Although OBC (no knowledge for MBCs can be found within the AISHE report) signify greater than 70% of educating positions in Tamil Nadu, SC/STs and the minorities are under-represented. Solely 2.9% of school belong to Muslim group.

It’s crucial for the Tamil Nadu authorities to launch a white paper on reservations in Tamil Nadu to take inventory of modifications which have occurred within the social composition of staff within the authorities sector after the yr 2000. Aside from filling the SC/ST backlog vacancies, the federal government ought to improve the SC/ST reservations as their inhabitants in accordance with the 2011 census is 21.1%. Additional, the State authorities ought to pursue the coverage of reservations within the non-public sector, which the DMK principally supported in its election manifesto. Reservation in non-public instructional establishments has a constitutional mandate in Article 15(5), which got here via 93rd Structure Modification Act in 2005. Such proactive measures are wanted so as to add that means to social justice rules below the Dravidian mannequin.

Venkatanarayanan S. heads the Division of Political Science and Historical past at Christ College, BGR Campus, Bengaluru

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